By Ben Collins
As a Presbyterian from a strongly Unionist and British background in East Belfast, I believe it is crucial that the Planning for Constitutional Change Bill receives cross-party support during its Second Stage in the Dáil today. The reunification of our island can only be secured through a broad coalition including political parties, business groups and civic organisations. We do not have the luxury of procrastination, we must now begin preparation. Northern Ireland was designed to have a permanent Protestant and Unionist majority and now has neither. It is nearly thirty years after the Good Friday Agreement was passed in referendums North and South. In the interim we have seen referendums on Scottish independence and EU membership. The high hopes for Stormont have not been met.
The agreement included a provision for a border poll if it appears likely “that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland.” However,while the agreement says the Secretary of State shall order a poll in those circumstances, it does not say “shall only”. A Reform UK government, could call a border poll at short notice, regardless of voting patterns or constitutional preferences. Nigel Farage is no friend of Ireland or the European Union and he could do this to cause mayhem. We have seen the chaos of Brexit where there was no clear idea what people were voting for and no government plan to leave the EU. It would be reckless not to plan now for Irish Unity, given that we live in turbulent times and British politics is in a state of flux. The EU will be a safe harbour for all of Ireland after reunification.
We have received a peace dividend in the North, but not the economic dividend that has been enjoyed in the South. Northern Ireland exists in a twilight world where we are technically part of the Westminster arrangements but rarelyfeature in the discussion. No MP from Northern Ireland has been a member of the British Cabinet since the Second World War. That is eighty years outside the corridors of power. Even when the DUP was in a confidence and supply agreement with the Conservatives from 2017-19, the British government agreed a deal on Brexit despite their objections.
We have had the partition of Ireland for more than one hundred years and it has been a failure. Belfast and the surrounding counties prior to partition were the economic powerhouse of the island. But the North is now less prosperous than the South. The British border in Ireland has been a source of division throughout that time. We duplicate so many things on this small island with two health services, two police services, two civil services, two economic development agencies, two legal systems, and two education systems. Planning now means we can ensure a more effective and efficient form of governance, through full integration, after a short transitional period.
Self-determination is not an abstract idea. Irish Unity is ultimately about two things; identity and quality of life. We can safeguard Unionist and British culture through the Good Friday Agreement and Ireland’s membership of the European Convention on Human Rights. Both of these are things which a Reform UK government would seek to amend or leave entirely. As Mike Nesbitt stated at the UUP conference last year, Unionist TDs could hold the balance of power in an all-Ireland Dáil. We make Unionists feel welcome by bringing them into the Irish political mainstream.
There is much pain and hurt about what happened during the Troubles across all sections of society. Unionists fear abandonment by the British government. Reconciliation can only be achieved through reunification. It is by working with our Unionist brothers and sisters to plan and build a United Ireland that we can begin to heal the pain of partition. Through preparation we can increase understanding and also provide assurances that Unionist and British culture will be protected and cherished in a New Ireland.
On life expectancy, educational attainment and job prospects the South is outperforming the North. Reunification will lead to a more resilient island where we can use the capacity of all thirty-two counties to build housing, a strong economy, robust energy network and good healthcare for all. Through planning we can show that we can protect people from future pandemics and manage immigration more effectively, by taking an all-Ireland approach, rather than continuing with two at times contradictory approaches. Preparing for a United Ireland can mean political renewal. It would be welcomed across the globe and we would be a beacon of hope in a troubled world. The Irish government’s slogan for their Presidency of the Council of the European Union is Strength with unity. I agree.
Ben Collins is the author of The Irish Unity Dividend and Irish Unity: Time to Prepare, both published by Luath Press.
By Ben Collins
As a Presbyterian from a strongly Unionist and British background in East Belfast, I believe it is crucial that the Planning for Constitutional Change Bill receives cross-party support during its Second Stage in the Dáil today. The reunification of our island can only be secured through a broad coalition including political parties, business groups and civic organisations. We do not have the luxury of procrastination, we must now begin preparation. Northern Ireland was designed to have a permanent Protestant and Unionist majority and now has neither. It is nearly thirty years after the Good Friday Agreement was passed in referendums North and South. In the interim we have seen referendums on Scottish independence and EU membership. The high hopes for Stormont have not been met.
The agreement included a provision for a border poll if it appears likely “that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form part of a united Ireland.” However,while the agreement says the Secretary of State shall order a poll in those circumstances, it does not say “shall only”. A Reform UK government, could call a border poll at short notice, regardless of voting patterns or constitutional preferences. Nigel Farage is no friend of Ireland or the European Union and he could do this to cause mayhem. We have seen the chaos of Brexit where there was no clear idea what people were voting for and no government plan to leave the EU. It would be reckless not to plan now for Irish Unity, given that we live in turbulent times and British politics is in a state of flux. The EU will be a safe harbour for all of Ireland after reunification.
We have received a peace dividend in the North, but not the economic dividend that has been enjoyed in the South. Northern Ireland exists in a twilight world where we are technically part of the Westminster arrangements but rarelyfeature in the discussion. No MP from Northern Ireland has been a member of the British Cabinet since the Second World War. That is eighty years outside the corridors of power. Even when the DUP was in a confidence and supply agreement with the Conservatives from 2017-19, the British government agreed a deal on Brexit despite their objections.
We have had the partition of Ireland for more than one hundred years and it has been a failure. Belfast and the surrounding counties prior to partition were the economic powerhouse of the island. But the North is now less prosperous than the South. The British border in Ireland has been a source of division throughout that time. We duplicate so many things on this small island with two health services, two police services, two civil services, two economic development agencies, two legal systems, and two education systems. Planning now means we can ensure a more effective and efficient form of governance, through full integration, after a short transitional period.
Self-determination is not an abstract idea. Irish Unity is ultimately about two things; identity and quality of life. We can safeguard Unionist and British culture through the Good Friday Agreement and Ireland’s membership of the European Convention on Human Rights. Both of these are things which a Reform UK government would seek to amend or leave entirely. As Mike Nesbitt stated at the UUP conference last year, Unionist TDs could hold the balance of power in an all-Ireland Dáil. We make Unionists feel welcome by bringing them into the Irish political mainstream.
There is much pain and hurt about what happened during the Troubles across all sections of society. Unionists fear abandonment by the British government. Reconciliation can only be achieved through reunification. It is by working with our Unionist brothers and sisters to plan and build a United Ireland that we can begin to heal the pain of partition. Through preparation we can increase understanding and also provide assurances that Unionist and British culture will be protected and cherished in a New Ireland.
On life expectancy, educational attainment and job prospects the South is outperforming the North. Reunification will lead to a more resilient island where we can use the capacity of all thirty-two counties to build housing, a strong economy, robust energy network and good healthcare for all. Through planning we can show that we can protect people from future pandemics and manage immigration more effectively, by taking an all-Ireland approach, rather than continuing with two at times contradictory approaches. Preparing for a United Ireland can mean political renewal. It would be welcomed across the globe and we would be a beacon of hope in a troubled world. The Irish government’s slogan for their Presidency of the Council of the European Union is Strength with unity. I agree.
Ben Collins is the author of The Irish Unity Dividend and Irish Unity: Time to Prepare, both published by Luath Press.