As attention turns to government formation – and the new Programme for Government in Ireland – these brief reflections are an attempt to address the question in the title: Where now?
There appears to be widespread endorsement of the need for proper planning for potential constitutional change (a united Ireland) on our shared island – framed at every step by Good Friday Agreement (the Agreement) values, principles and obligations. It is fair, based on existing evidence, to suggest that a consensus is evolving – among parties supportive of change – for collaborative ongoing engagement on preparation, in a generous spirit of partnership and mutual respect.
It is apparent from the Fianna Fáil manifesto, for example, that ambitious enhancement of the Shared Island Initiative, Shared Island Unit and associated work will be on the agenda of the new Irish Government. That is good news. And worth recalling here that the Agreement and the Irish Constitution anticipate that the island may be shared in a different way in the future: A new and united Ireland will, of course, be a shared island. Planning well for this agreed objective makes good sense. The language of a ‘shared island’ comfortably embraces future constitutional arrangements.
The need for more research is evident – including funding for comparative North-South projects and those which focus on the development of detailed proposals. There is a research gap for projects that map models of a united Ireland onto practical suggestions.
A strong emerging theme is governmental shared responsibility. What does that mean? It includes: a Department/Unit/Minister, with, for example, the production of a Green Paper,and ideas around specific funding mechanisms. Underpinning this is a belief that government must have a central role in enabling the preparatory work on future constitutional arrangements; good preparation involves acceptance that the Irish Government will, eventually, be financing and resourcing much of the transition and the outcome (without prejudice to whatever is negotiated and agreed with the British Government).
The creation of a dedicated Oireachtas Committee features in many suggestions. The need for civic dialogue is frequently stressed and is prominent in the discussions thus far. That demonstrates a welcome awareness of all-island ownership and ‘buy-in’. There is a desire for a participative process: Assembly/Assemblies/Forum. This is an obvious next step that will raise questions about design, resources and inclusive participation. The new Irish Government should advance these suggestions without delay.
There is recognition that British-Irish intergovernmental dialogue will be essential, alongside engagement with relevant international partners. Westminster is largely missing from the conversation thus far. Understandable given the framework but unwise in the longer term.
The appetite is there to build on existing co-operation and deepen relationships on the island. This mood appears to be shared widely across political and civic life. The next stage will include careful development of credible proposals, on the basis that our constitutional choicewill be exercised at the relevant time. That will move the discussions into the space of what a Programme for a New Ireland will begin to look like, and must involve careful and respectful civic/political coalition building.
In addition to the expansion of existing initiatives, some of this could be achieved in the next few years in the following ways:
• The Irish Government now assumes a role in planning for future constitutional arrangements on our shared island – adopting suggestions noted above, with the allocation of responsibility established within government/public administration for facilitating imaginative thinking on proposals. People across the island need a better sense of what the proposition might be.
• An Oireachtas Committee on the Constitutional Future is put in place.
• The creation of an all-island civic dialogue based on proposals for a new Assembly/Assemblies/Forum. The name matters less than ensuring this is designed in an inclusive and effective way. This will complement existing civic initiatives and be part of a larger political/civic conversation.
• A commitment from political parties in particular to engage in ongoing processes of co-operation, recognising that this is a shared responsibility and agreed constitutional objective anchored in the Agreement.
Many will be hoping that the new Irish Government has the strategic foresight to take its responsibilities seriously. If it does so, it will be building on the emerging consensus around planning and preparing well for the present and future of our shared island.
Colin Harvey is a Professor in the School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast
As attention turns to government formation – and the new Programme for Government in Ireland – these brief reflections are an attempt to address the question in the title: Where now?
There appears to be widespread endorsement of the need for proper planning for potential constitutional change (a united Ireland) on our shared island – framed at every step by Good Friday Agreement (the Agreement) values, principles and obligations. It is fair, based on existing evidence, to suggest that a consensus is evolving – among parties supportive of change – for collaborative ongoing engagement on preparation, in a generous spirit of partnership and mutual respect.
It is apparent from the Fianna Fáil manifesto, for example, that ambitious enhancement of the Shared Island Initiative, Shared Island Unit and associated work will be on the agenda of the new Irish Government. That is good news. And worth recalling here that the Agreement and the Irish Constitution anticipate that the island may be shared in a different way in the future: A new and united Ireland will, of course, be a shared island. Planning well for this agreed objective makes good sense. The language of a ‘shared island’ comfortably embraces future constitutional arrangements.
The need for more research is evident – including funding for comparative North-South projects and those which focus on the development of detailed proposals. There is a research gap for projects that map models of a united Ireland onto practical suggestions.
A strong emerging theme is governmental shared responsibility. What does that mean? It includes: a Department/Unit/Minister, with, for example, the production of a Green Paper,and ideas around specific funding mechanisms. Underpinning this is a belief that government must have a central role in enabling the preparatory work on future constitutional arrangements; good preparation involves acceptance that the Irish Government will, eventually, be financing and resourcing much of the transition and the outcome (without prejudice to whatever is negotiated and agreed with the British Government).
The creation of a dedicated Oireachtas Committee features in many suggestions. The need for civic dialogue is frequently stressed and is prominent in the discussions thus far. That demonstrates a welcome awareness of all-island ownership and ‘buy-in’. There is a desire for a participative process: Assembly/Assemblies/Forum. This is an obvious next step that will raise questions about design, resources and inclusive participation. The new Irish Government should advance these suggestions without delay.
There is recognition that British-Irish intergovernmental dialogue will be essential, alongside engagement with relevant international partners. Westminster is largely missing from the conversation thus far. Understandable given the framework but unwise in the longer term.
The appetite is there to build on existing co-operation and deepen relationships on the island. This mood appears to be shared widely across political and civic life. The next stage will include careful development of credible proposals, on the basis that our constitutional choicewill be exercised at the relevant time. That will move the discussions into the space of what a Programme for a New Ireland will begin to look like, and must involve careful and respectful civic/political coalition building.
In addition to the expansion of existing initiatives, some of this could be achieved in the next few years in the following ways:
• The Irish Government now assumes a role in planning for future constitutional arrangements on our shared island – adopting suggestions noted above, with the allocation of responsibility established within government/public administration for facilitating imaginative thinking on proposals. People across the island need a better sense of what the proposition might be.
• An Oireachtas Committee on the Constitutional Future is put in place.
• The creation of an all-island civic dialogue based on proposals for a new Assembly/Assemblies/Forum. The name matters less than ensuring this is designed in an inclusive and effective way. This will complement existing civic initiatives and be part of a larger political/civic conversation.
• A commitment from political parties in particular to engage in ongoing processes of co-operation, recognising that this is a shared responsibility and agreed constitutional objective anchored in the Agreement.
Many will be hoping that the new Irish Government has the strategic foresight to take its responsibilities seriously. If it does so, it will be building on the emerging consensus around planning and preparing well for the present and future of our shared island.
Colin Harvey is a Professor in the School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast