The Taoiseach, Micheál Martin’s recent remarks about a border poll, namely that his Government was not planning for one in the immediate future and certainly not before 2030, was entirely consistent with his position since becoming leader of Fianna Fáil. In fact, the Taoiseach has been very lukewarm about the issue of national re-unification for many years. His remarks are in stark contrast with those of one of his recent predecessors, Fine Gael’s Leo Varadkar, who described his own personal commitment to “the great cause of Irish unity” and called on Irish America to become actively involved in that cause.
Varadkar’s enthusiasm for Irish unity is very much in the old tradition of former Fine Gael figures like ex Taoiseach, John A Costello; former Foreign Minister, Peter Barry; and indeed, the party’s spiritual founder, Michael Collins, but unusual in more recent times. On the other hand, Martin is very much at odds with all previous leaders of Fianna Fáil, a party founded with the ending of partition as one of its core objectives. It is no secret that his position on the North is viewed with widespread unease within his own party. The Courts have decreed that unity is a constitutional imperative for the Irish State, again hard to square with Martin’s views. Former leader of the SDLP, Colm Eastwood, has called for the Irish Government to plan for unity, not exactly in line with Martin’s pronouncements.
Martin comes from the deep south of Ireland with no apparent or personal family ties with the North. While he was a member of the Irish Government, as Minister for Education, which helped negotiate the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), with the Blair administration in London, he had no direct involvement in the process. The key figures in Fianna Fáil in the Peace Process were Bertie Ahern, Brian Cowen and David Andrews. I worked with all three at that time and can testify they had an instinctive sympathy with the Nationalist community in the North. It would be very difficult to envisage Micheál Martin managing the delicate task of assisting the Adams/McGuinness leadership moving the Republican movement along the road to peace, while keeping the Ulster Unionists on board the process. The Taoiseach, I know from personal experience, is a compassionate and able man with great strengths in some areas, but unfortunately Northern policy is not one of them.
The Taoiseach’s lack of personal contact and familiarity with the situation in the North does not fully explain his attitude which is at odds with public opinion in the Republic. It is more probable the result of a phenomenon which is prevalent among some politicians and media figures in the South, namely Sinn Féin Derangement Syndrome (SFDS). This means that if Sinn Féin is in favour of anything, or indeed has any association with a cause, then it must be opposed. Logic goes out the window and SFDS takes over. I believe Martin’s stance is as simple as that.
I first saw this condition manifest itself in the North, where Seamus Mallon, a man I greatly liked and admired, began to become angry when he witnessed the rise of Sinn Féin and realized that in the new dispensation, post the GFA, Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries. He felt cheated by the turn of events after so many years of protest and personal sacrifice, opposing the Unionist dominated State. He began opposing everything Sinn Féin was in favour of.
The rise of Sinn Féin electorally in the Republic, from a tiny marginal party In 1997 with justa single T.D., Caoimhghin Ó Caoláin, to becoming the main Opposition party with 33 TDs in 2024, has threatened the status quo in Leinster House. The two formerly dominant parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, are now attracting a combined historically low % of the popular vote. Irish Labour is now a pale shadow of its former self. Nobody likes their long-held position of privilege to be threatened.
This has naturally caused a reaction among power elites in Dublin. The Taoiseach is probably the most extreme case of SFDS and he never loses an opportunity to attack Sinn Féin. In his mind and among those who fear Sinn Féin’s rise, the cause of Irish unity has become entwined with Sinn Féin. Hence any opportunity to denigrate the issue is not passed up.
For those seeking Irish unity, this presents a challenge. There is a need to broaden the range of voices outside of Sinn Féin calling for a border poll and Irish unity. People like Leo Varadkar are hence very important in this regard. Sinn Féin has a challenge to ensure that the issue moves well beyond the exclusive identification with it and actively seeks to assist those in other parties, especially in Fianna Fáil, who support unity.
Leo Varadkar is also right about the need to involve Irish America. Our Diaspora in the States have been a vital component of all Irish initiatives for full national independence over the last two hundred years. It is time to call on their help again and indeed our friends in Britain.
For those in the traditional parties in the Republic, it is time to stop seeking party political advantage in issues of national importance and embrace the great cause for Irish unity and bring the divisions that have scarred Ireland for well over a hundred years to an end. Their founders, James Connolly, Michael Collins and Eamon De Valera would expect no less from them.
The Taoiseach, Micheál Martin’s recent remarks about a border poll, namely that his Government was not planning for one in the immediate future and certainly not before 2030, was entirely consistent with his position since becoming leader of Fianna Fáil. In fact, the Taoiseach has been very lukewarm about the issue of national re-unification for many years. His remarks are in stark contrast with those of one of his recent predecessors, Fine Gael’s Leo Varadkar, who described his own personal commitment to “the great cause of Irish unity” and called on Irish America to become actively involved in that cause.
Varadkar’s enthusiasm for Irish unity is very much in the old tradition of former Fine Gael figures like ex Taoiseach, John A Costello; former Foreign Minister, Peter Barry; and indeed, the party’s spiritual founder, Michael Collins, but unusual in more recent times. On the other hand, Martin is very much at odds with all previous leaders of Fianna Fáil, a party founded with the ending of partition as one of its core objectives. It is no secret that his position on the North is viewed with widespread unease within his own party. The Courts have decreed that unity is a constitutional imperative for the Irish State, again hard to square with Martin’s views. Former leader of the SDLP, Colm Eastwood, has called for the Irish Government to plan for unity, not exactly in line with Martin’s pronouncements.
Martin comes from the deep south of Ireland with no apparent or personal family ties with the North. While he was a member of the Irish Government, as Minister for Education, which helped negotiate the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), with the Blair administration in London, he had no direct involvement in the process. The key figures in Fianna Fáil in the Peace Process were Bertie Ahern, Brian Cowen and David Andrews. I worked with all three at that time and can testify they had an instinctive sympathy with the Nationalist community in the North. It would be very difficult to envisage Micheál Martin managing the delicate task of assisting the Adams/McGuinness leadership moving the Republican movement along the road to peace, while keeping the Ulster Unionists on board the process. The Taoiseach, I know from personal experience, is a compassionate and able man with great strengths in some areas, but unfortunately Northern policy is not one of them.
The Taoiseach’s lack of personal contact and familiarity with the situation in the North does not fully explain his attitude which is at odds with public opinion in the Republic. It is more probable the result of a phenomenon which is prevalent among some politicians and media figures in the South, namely Sinn Féin Derangement Syndrome (SFDS). This means that if Sinn Féin is in favour of anything, or indeed has any association with a cause, then it must be opposed. Logic goes out the window and SFDS takes over. I believe Martin’s stance is as simple as that.
I first saw this condition manifest itself in the North, where Seamus Mallon, a man I greatly liked and admired, began to become angry when he witnessed the rise of Sinn Féin and realized that in the new dispensation, post the GFA, Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries. He felt cheated by the turn of events after so many years of protest and personal sacrifice, opposing the Unionist dominated State. He began opposing everything Sinn Féin was in favour of.
The rise of Sinn Féin electorally in the Republic, from a tiny marginal party In 1997 with justa single T.D., Caoimhghin Ó Caoláin, to becoming the main Opposition party with 33 TDs in 2024, has threatened the status quo in Leinster House. The two formerly dominant parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, are now attracting a combined historically low % of the popular vote. Irish Labour is now a pale shadow of its former self. Nobody likes their long-held position of privilege to be threatened.
This has naturally caused a reaction among power elites in Dublin. The Taoiseach is probably the most extreme case of SFDS and he never loses an opportunity to attack Sinn Féin. In his mind and among those who fear Sinn Féin’s rise, the cause of Irish unity has become entwined with Sinn Féin. Hence any opportunity to denigrate the issue is not passed up.
For those seeking Irish unity, this presents a challenge. There is a need to broaden the range of voices outside of Sinn Féin calling for a border poll and Irish unity. People like Leo Varadkar are hence very important in this regard. Sinn Féin has a challenge to ensure that the issue moves well beyond the exclusive identification with it and actively seeks to assist those in other parties, especially in Fianna Fáil, who support unity.
Leo Varadkar is also right about the need to involve Irish America. Our Diaspora in the States have been a vital component of all Irish initiatives for full national independence over the last two hundred years. It is time to call on their help again and indeed our friends in Britain.
For those in the traditional parties in the Republic, it is time to stop seeking party political advantage in issues of national importance and embrace the great cause for Irish unity and bring the divisions that have scarred Ireland for well over a hundred years to an end. Their founders, James Connolly, Michael Collins and Eamon De Valera would expect no less from them.