German reunification happened abruptly after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The economies of East and West Germany had profound structural differences and both were weaker than the current economies of the North and South of Ireland. If Germany could reunite successfully, given no preparation and more challenging economic circumstances, it is therefore entirely reasonable to suggest Irish reunification can also be successful.
However, wouldn’t it be desirable to make the United Ireland transition as smooth as possible? Preparation and minimising the differences between the two jurisdictions on our island are key to achieving this. This is the inch-by-inch approach towards a United Ireland where we chip away at the forms of partition which can be changed before a border poll even takes place.
As Aontú’s Peadar Tóibín mentioned at an Ireland’s Future event last year, there are a hundred steps we can take now to achieve Irish Unity. Perhaps it’s helpful to view partition as a wall consisting of a thousand blocks and each time, we equalise on both sides of the border we remove one of these blocks. For example, the Congenital Heart Network operates on a 32-county basis and is often described as world class. Why not remove further barriers of partition and unite other services?
We can gradually move power away from Westminster, and towards our island instead. Scotland and Wales experience greater levels of devolution, we should look for greater powers too. Every additional power that is devolved means the centre of control is shifting away from London.
We can also look for Northerners having more influence in the South by arguing for the right to vote in presidential elections and speaking rights for Northern MPs in Dáil Éireann.
Looking at partition through this lens allows us to point to tangible benefits of unity in the areas where we are already united. Too many questions arise when one argues in favour ofUnited Ireland. Each small success we make towards unity reduces the number of questions and shifts us from theory into reality.
The onus is then shifted onto the Unionists to justify partition as they struggle to find any reasonable justification for dividing up the areas of Ireland that are already united. Do we want a partitioned Congenital Heart Network and a lower standard of care? Would the national Rugby team be more successful if divided in two? Partition is illogical and is a demonstrable failure. Each small successful step we take in uniting institutions becomes a damning indictment of partition.
There is no moral, practical or sound economic argument in favour of partition.
Many of our forms of partition are self-inflicted. The UK Government doesn’t mandate any political party to organise along the lines of partition. So why do ostensible nationalists such as SDLP, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil not take steps now to become 32-county parties?
At present, United Ireland would be electorally costly to such parties as their support is largely concentrated in one jurisdiction. They can take those steps today, because their current structure ultimately disincentives them from fully supporting reunification.
In short, there are many areas where we can bring North and South into greater alignment, that doesn’t require a border poll to achieve. By taking this inch-by-inch approach, the wall of partition will contain much fewer blocks when the border poll arrives and the transition into a new Ireland will become even more seamless.
Carl Duffy is an Enniskillen native and was a candidate for Aontu in the last general election in Fermanagh and South Tyrone.
German reunification happened abruptly after the fall of the Berlin Wall. The economies of East and West Germany had profound structural differences and both were weaker than the current economies of the North and South of Ireland. If Germany could reunite successfully, given no preparation and more challenging economic circumstances, it is therefore entirely reasonable to suggest Irish reunification can also be successful.
However, wouldn’t it be desirable to make the United Ireland transition as smooth as possible? Preparation and minimising the differences between the two jurisdictions on our island are key to achieving this. This is the inch-by-inch approach towards a United Ireland where we chip away at the forms of partition which can be changed before a border poll even takes place.
As Aontú’s Peadar Tóibín mentioned at an Ireland’s Future event last year, there are a hundred steps we can take now to achieve Irish Unity. Perhaps it’s helpful to view partition as a wall consisting of a thousand blocks and each time, we equalise on both sides of the border we remove one of these blocks. For example, the Congenital Heart Network operates on a 32-county basis and is often described as world class. Why not remove further barriers of partition and unite other services?
We can gradually move power away from Westminster, and towards our island instead. Scotland and Wales experience greater levels of devolution, we should look for greater powers too. Every additional power that is devolved means the centre of control is shifting away from London.
We can also look for Northerners having more influence in the South by arguing for the right to vote in presidential elections and speaking rights for Northern MPs in Dáil Éireann.
Looking at partition through this lens allows us to point to tangible benefits of unity in the areas where we are already united. Too many questions arise when one argues in favour ofUnited Ireland. Each small success we make towards unity reduces the number of questions and shifts us from theory into reality.
The onus is then shifted onto the Unionists to justify partition as they struggle to find any reasonable justification for dividing up the areas of Ireland that are already united. Do we want a partitioned Congenital Heart Network and a lower standard of care? Would the national Rugby team be more successful if divided in two? Partition is illogical and is a demonstrable failure. Each small successful step we take in uniting institutions becomes a damning indictment of partition.
There is no moral, practical or sound economic argument in favour of partition.
Many of our forms of partition are self-inflicted. The UK Government doesn’t mandate any political party to organise along the lines of partition. So why do ostensible nationalists such as SDLP, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil not take steps now to become 32-county parties?
At present, United Ireland would be electorally costly to such parties as their support is largely concentrated in one jurisdiction. They can take those steps today, because their current structure ultimately disincentives them from fully supporting reunification.
In short, there are many areas where we can bring North and South into greater alignment, that doesn’t require a border poll to achieve. By taking this inch-by-inch approach, the wall of partition will contain much fewer blocks when the border poll arrives and the transition into a new Ireland will become even more seamless.
Carl Duffy is an Enniskillen native and was a candidate for Aontu in the last general election in Fermanagh and South Tyrone.