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Working towards Irish Unity

Opinion

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Is Simon Harris a united Irelander?

Reviewing the most recent opinion polls it is apparent that Simon Harris does not need outside advice on how to do his job as Taoiseach. In a few short months he has turned around Fine Gael’s approval rating and his own personal rating has soared in recent weeks. He is currently representing Ireland on the global stage in New York at the UN General Assembly. For matters closer to home, there will be plenty of people both within and outside government advising him to call an early election for November. But approval ratings can go down as well as up and there is a bigger issue which I think he should address. Sinn Féin support has fallen consistently over recent months but in one area they still hold a policy position, unequivocal support for Irish unity, which other parties have shied away from embracing. 

I think that Leo Varadkar’s recent call for all political parties to make a pledge on Irish unity is welcome. His suggestion that the Dáil and Seanad after reunification could sit occasionally in Belfast is an intriguing idea with merit. The European Parliament splits its time between Brussels and Strasbourg. Although there are mixed views on the cost effectiveness of this, I’m sure such an arrangement could be made to work in an Irish context. The key focus is making our Unionist brothers and sisters feel at home and respected in a New Ireland. There are ways in which Fine Gael are better positioned to secure Irish unity, particularly the consent of unionism after the vote for unity, than Sinn Féin will be able to do. The reunification of Ireland needs to be a cross-party project and is one where all parties across the island of Ireland have an important role to play. Fine Gael have historically been seen as the party of law and order. In the Republic they have often attracted the votes of those who were historically from Unionist backgrounds. They were vocal in their opposition to the activity of the Provisional IRA during The Troubles. This is something which matters deeply to the Unionist community. Unionists were targeted by the Provisional IRA and others because of their religion and political beliefs. There were wrongs committed on the Unionist and Loyalist side as well as by Republicans. The Irish Government is perceived to have been slow or less than helpful at times when the British Government were requesting the extradition of suspected terrorists. There have been reports into suspected collusion between security forces and paramilitary groups. The violence and anguish were caused by many actors and it was a dirty war.

There is trauma in Unionism today as a result of The Troubles, as there is also within Nationalist communities. But the change in demographics, the overtaking of the DUP by Sinn Féin as the largest party in Northern Ireland and the continuing implications of Brexit for the region, are all destabilising for Unionism. There is a sense of abandonment by the British Government. The fear of being cut adrift by Britain is a deep seated emotion for many unionists. We need to show unionists that they will be respected, listened to and will have a say in how Ireland will operate after reunification. Unionists have rightly been frustrated at their lack of influence in Westminster. But they will have a strong and important voice in Leinster House after the vote for unity. In fact part of the reason why we must start preparing and planning for unity now, is so that unionists can have their voice heard now before the border poll. Political Unionism may choose to ignore the offer of engagement on unity but civic unionism is already speaking with the rest of Ireland on issues around Brexit. Discussions about reunification are taking place in offices, bars, restaurants and in people’s homes. The way that we can begin to make unionists feel comfortable in a reunited Ireland is by talking with them about it now, inviting them to be involved in the planning process. Whatever a person’s constitutional preference, we all want to have good schools, healthcare which works for everyone, a good economy for all and to make sure that we address the climate and housing crises. We need to talk about Irish unity in this context, where we explain the options, listen to concerns and work out together the best way forward. Symbolism or putting in place some rigid ineffective system of governance will not make unionists feel part of the New Ireland. Creating a new nation which has an effective and efficient health service, provides good jobs, educates people to a high standard and shows that equality and diversity is embedded in how the country operates will make a difference. We need to provide hope for the future, by delivering peace and prosperity. It will not be an overnight process but we need to start now.  

If I was in Simon Harris’ position, I would choose now as the time to declare my intention that after the election, the next Dáil term will be spent preparing for a border poll and the eventual reunification of Ireland. The Irish Government has received a substantial windfall from Apple and it would send a strong message if part of that money was placed into the Sovereign Wealth Fund to prepare for Irish unity. Fine Gael along with their coalition partners are in government, whereas Sinn Féin is not. By signalling his party’s support, a party which has an official title of ‘The United Ireland Party’, Simon Harris can remove Sinn Féin’s advantage on the national question. 

More importantly Simon Harris can make his mark for the longer term, by adopting a pro-unity message now. We know that reunification will only happen when the people, North and South, vote for it. The British Government will need to be ready to call the border poll but this will only occur when both it and the Irish Government are ready for the referendums to take place. Preparation is key to being ready. 

It is rare for a politician to be presented with an opportunity to shape the very nature of their nation. Doing so would assure them of their place in the history books as a visionary nation-builder. For more than one hundred years our island has been fractured by partition. During that time there has been civil war, border conflicts, The Troubles, two world wars and the COVID-19 pandemic. Both parts of Ireland joined the European Community together in 1972. Then one part, Northern Ireland, left the European Union despite voting to remain, due to the votes of those living in Britain. Brexit continues to cause difficulties for Britain and uncertainty for Ireland. Northern Ireland despite the benefits of dual market access for goods because of the Windsor Framework, is constrained due to a lack of funding. The British Government is in many ways the ‘Old Mother Hubbard’ government because the cupboard is bare and will remain so for the foreseeable future. 

The British budget due in weeks, will be painful according to Keir Starmer, the British Prime Minister, as further tough decisions are made to address the United Kingdom’s high levels of debt. The forthcoming Irish budget will be seen as a giveaway budget, as there will be a Dáil election in the coming weeks or months. But also the Irish Government has a surplus unlike its British counterpart.

Fine Gael are in their fourteenth year of government and it is not often that a party can renew itself when holding ministerial office. The replacement of Leo Varadkar by Simon Harris as party leader and An Taoiseach has created a renewed purpose and sense of momentum for the party. But as Governor Tim Walz of Minnesota, the Democratic candidate for Vice President of the USA has said, “You don’t accumulate political capital to hold onto it. You spend it to make people’s lives better.” Simon Harris has a unique and one-off opportunity to make his mark for the generations to come. He will never again be a new Taoiseach looking forward to a Dáil election with such high approval ratings and in receipt of an unexpected windfall from Apple. One of his signature policy proposals is the creation of a new Department of Infrastructure to enable the government to focus on largescale infrastructure projects. There is no more significant infrastructure project than the reunification of Ireland. 

Simon Harris can press home his advantage over Sinn Féin, make his mark for the history books and undertake sensible preparatory work for Irish unity at the same time. We know that there is a substantial amount of goodwill towards Ireland and its reunification would be widely welcomed across Europe, North America and beyond. It would enable Ireland at last to be in control of its own destiny when it comes to the control of immigration, how to deal with the ongoing Brexit saga and how to safeguard against the next pandemic. Ireland is an island and we should be able to fully use this geographic benefit to our advantage during this time of climate crisis.    

Across Ireland we face shared challenges, such as providing healthcare for an aging population, a shortage of housing, young people reluctantly leaving Ireland because they can’t get access to a good quality home or a decent job. In each of these areas and many others, by working together as one entity across the island of Ireland we can address these issues. Reunification will lead to more efficient government and a better quality of life for all who live across Ireland. This will take time, commitment and determination over the longer term. Simon Harris, Ireland’s youngest ever Taoiseach, is known as the TikTok Taoiseach. He can choose to become the Taoiseach who set Ireland on the path to transformation by claiming Ireland’s destiny to at last become reunited.