by Ray Bassett
Next week in Dublin sees the launch of Ray Bassett’s ‘The Traveller’s Tale’. The book lifts the veil of secrecy which has surrounded the Irish Government’s operation in the North during the Peace Process. This personal account written by Ray, who for almost two decades was a key part of that operation is a must read for those wanting to understand Dublin’s role in the process. Key to bringing peace was talking to everybody and excluding no one even if certain newspapers preferred demonisation and marginalisation. In the excerpt of the book below Ray recalls the libellous attack on him by the Sunday Independent for attending the funeral of legendary IRA figure Joe Cahill.
In July 2004, the death occurred of Joe Cahill, legendary figure in the Provisional IRA. He had narrowly escaped hanging during the Second World War when he and a number of IRA volunteers ambushed an RUC patrol which resulted in the death of Constable Patrick Murphy. One of the IRA men involved in the ambush, Tom Williams, aged nineteen, was hanged but Cahill had his own death sentenced commuted to life imprisonment. He was released in 1949 and from that time to his death, he was a steadfast member of the IRA. To the leadership of the Republican Movement around the time of the ceasefire, he was an important ally in keeping the more militant elements on board. He was sent to America in 1994 to explain the IRA’s strategy and forthcoming ceasefire to their American supporters. It required the intervention of President Clinton to secure his US visa on that occasion. The IRA is obsessed with tracing its bloodlines back through the twentieth century to the Easter Rising. In this respect, Cahill represented a key ally in demonstrating the legitimacy and validity of the then leadership. He had been very helpful to the Adams leadership in its journey away from military action.
There was a deep discussion within the DFA as to whether the Irish government should be represented at his funeral. We were pushing Sinn Féin and the Republican Movement to fully embrace decommissioning and the new policing arrangements. Attendance at the Cahill funeral would be considered by the Republicans as a mark of respect and one which might be beneficial to the overall process. On the other hand, Cahill was a controversial figure who was actively engaged in political violence for much of his adult life. He had been imprisoned in the Republic for illegal activities in the past. Hence the dilemma in Iveagh House. After considerable discussion it was decided that we should mark the occasion of his funeral.
Since I had met Cahill and worked closely with his niece, Siobhán O’Hanlon, I was asked by Dermot Gallagher to attend. Internally I had supported the argument that it would be helpful to the moderate Republican element to have a representative there. I asked for some clarification on what capacity I would attend the Church service, was it as a personal friend of the family or was it official? After much discussion and consultation with the Department of Justice, I was instructed not to clarify that matter unless challenged, in which case I was to say that I was there in a personal capacity. If the matter was unclarified, then Sinn Féin might reasonably assume that I was there as the government’s representative. It was all a bit Machiavellian.
I went along to the funeral at St John’s Church at the bottom of the White Rock Road. I met former Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, there which was a surprise. An Irish Times reporter, Gerry Moriarty, asked me about my presence there and as instructed I said I was there in a personal capacity. I spent a short amount of time offering my condolences to the family, especially Siobhán and her husband, Pat Sheehan. I left soon afterwards. There was a small reference to my presence at the funeral in the Irish Times. I felt that was the end of the matter,
However, early on 8 August, I started receiving phone calls about an article which had appeared that morning in the Sunday Independent under the heading “Official Ireland Marching to the Beat of an IRA Drum.” I went out and bought the paper. I was horrified. The article had a number of serious inaccuracies, including the perception that my attendance was not a well thought-out decision, and I was acting on my own initiative. The headline was of course very damaging, implying that I took my instructions from the IRA. I had worked very successfully and harmoniously with Loyalists and Unionists. This type of headline could jeopardise that. What made it more irritating was that it was written by a former colleague in DFA, Eamon Delaney. It would be fair to say that Eamon had a checkered career in DFA, but I had always liked him and on occasions I had defended him against less tolerant colleagues. He left the Department and wrote a very funny book, An Accidental Diplomat. I remember some of the people lampooned in it say that the only accurate piece in the book was its title.
Anyway, next day I was back at my post in the secretariat in Belfast, and I sent a copy of the article to my good friend, Michael Lavery QC, to ask him for advice. I was unsure how to counteract the false impression that the article portrayed. Michael, who had been very helpful to me on many occasions, asked me to call to his house in South Belfast. When I arrived, he told me that he very much wanted to take a libel case against the Irish Independent in the Belfast courts. He called another leading member of the Belfast legal community, solicitor Denis Maloney, to the house. He explained that the case had to come to him formally via a solicitor. Michael then stated that if I would agree to him taking on the case, and with Denis as the solicitor, I would have no financial exposure. If he lost Michael said neither he nor Denis would seek any fees. Denis nodded in agreement.
I informed the DFA in Dublin that I would be pursuing the Irish Independent for what I regarded as a serious libel. I did not get any support or encouragement, despite the general agreement that the article was libelous. However, they did not like any controversy and if I ploughed on, I was on my own. The Independent group was the most powerful media outfit in the Republic and one which the government treated cautiously. Nevertheless, I decided I could not let the article stand and I had to proceed.
I had a number of meetings with the lawyers. Right from the outset, we agreed that I would seek no personal gain from the case. We then got down to writing a letter to the Sunday Independent. I had listed the inaccuracies in the article, but Michael showed very little interest in the details. Instead, he drafted a stinging letter to the Sunday Independent describing it as an enemy of the Peace Process and it was prepared to publish lies to further their crusade against those working for peace. He added that he fully intended to put the Independent’s editorial policy on trial in this case. He said that they would be very uncomfortable coming to Belfast, given their history of hostility to John Hume and his work for peace in the past. I was a bit taken aback at Michael’s approach, but he assured me that the details could be added later. He gave a copy of the letter to Denis Maloney, and it was duly dispatched.
Within hours the Sunday Independent raised the white flag and conceded that their article was seriously inaccurate. They immediately agreed to print an apology. I was anxious to put the episode behind me, particularly with the lack of support from DFA, and agreed with Lavery to accept an apology in the paper. The paper would pay Michael and Denis’s costs. I got the feeling that Michael was slightly disappointed that we would not see representatives of the Independent on that stand in Belfast. I was extremely lucky in having Michael as a personal friend and that made the whole distressing event much easier. I was also delighted that several Unionist and Loyalist figures contacted me to offer their personal support and be prepared to take the stand on my behalf.
Looking back at the episode, I am not sure why Eamon Delaney decided to attack me in the way he did, he could have lifted the phone to me to check the details, but I decided not to bear any grudge against him.
by Ray Bassett
Next week in Dublin sees the launch of Ray Bassett’s ‘The Traveller’s Tale’. The book lifts the veil of secrecy which has surrounded the Irish Government’s operation in the North during the Peace Process. This personal account written by Ray, who for almost two decades was a key part of that operation is a must read for those wanting to understand Dublin’s role in the process. Key to bringing peace was talking to everybody and excluding no one even if certain newspapers preferred demonisation and marginalisation. In the excerpt of the book below Ray recalls the libellous attack on him by the Sunday Independent for attending the funeral of legendary IRA figure Joe Cahill.
In July 2004, the death occurred of Joe Cahill, legendary figure in the Provisional IRA. He had narrowly escaped hanging during the Second World War when he and a number of IRA volunteers ambushed an RUC patrol which resulted in the death of Constable Patrick Murphy. One of the IRA men involved in the ambush, Tom Williams, aged nineteen, was hanged but Cahill had his own death sentenced commuted to life imprisonment. He was released in 1949 and from that time to his death, he was a steadfast member of the IRA. To the leadership of the Republican Movement around the time of the ceasefire, he was an important ally in keeping the more militant elements on board. He was sent to America in 1994 to explain the IRA’s strategy and forthcoming ceasefire to their American supporters. It required the intervention of President Clinton to secure his US visa on that occasion. The IRA is obsessed with tracing its bloodlines back through the twentieth century to the Easter Rising. In this respect, Cahill represented a key ally in demonstrating the legitimacy and validity of the then leadership. He had been very helpful to the Adams leadership in its journey away from military action.
There was a deep discussion within the DFA as to whether the Irish government should be represented at his funeral. We were pushing Sinn Féin and the Republican Movement to fully embrace decommissioning and the new policing arrangements. Attendance at the Cahill funeral would be considered by the Republicans as a mark of respect and one which might be beneficial to the overall process. On the other hand, Cahill was a controversial figure who was actively engaged in political violence for much of his adult life. He had been imprisoned in the Republic for illegal activities in the past. Hence the dilemma in Iveagh House. After considerable discussion it was decided that we should mark the occasion of his funeral.
Since I had met Cahill and worked closely with his niece, Siobhán O’Hanlon, I was asked by Dermot Gallagher to attend. Internally I had supported the argument that it would be helpful to the moderate Republican element to have a representative there. I asked for some clarification on what capacity I would attend the Church service, was it as a personal friend of the family or was it official? After much discussion and consultation with the Department of Justice, I was instructed not to clarify that matter unless challenged, in which case I was to say that I was there in a personal capacity. If the matter was unclarified, then Sinn Féin might reasonably assume that I was there as the government’s representative. It was all a bit Machiavellian.
I went along to the funeral at St John’s Church at the bottom of the White Rock Road. I met former Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds, there which was a surprise. An Irish Times reporter, Gerry Moriarty, asked me about my presence there and as instructed I said I was there in a personal capacity. I spent a short amount of time offering my condolences to the family, especially Siobhán and her husband, Pat Sheehan. I left soon afterwards. There was a small reference to my presence at the funeral in the Irish Times. I felt that was the end of the matter,
However, early on 8 August, I started receiving phone calls about an article which had appeared that morning in the Sunday Independent under the heading “Official Ireland Marching to the Beat of an IRA Drum.” I went out and bought the paper. I was horrified. The article had a number of serious inaccuracies, including the perception that my attendance was not a well thought-out decision, and I was acting on my own initiative. The headline was of course very damaging, implying that I took my instructions from the IRA. I had worked very successfully and harmoniously with Loyalists and Unionists. This type of headline could jeopardise that. What made it more irritating was that it was written by a former colleague in DFA, Eamon Delaney. It would be fair to say that Eamon had a checkered career in DFA, but I had always liked him and on occasions I had defended him against less tolerant colleagues. He left the Department and wrote a very funny book, An Accidental Diplomat. I remember some of the people lampooned in it say that the only accurate piece in the book was its title.
Anyway, next day I was back at my post in the secretariat in Belfast, and I sent a copy of the article to my good friend, Michael Lavery QC, to ask him for advice. I was unsure how to counteract the false impression that the article portrayed. Michael, who had been very helpful to me on many occasions, asked me to call to his house in South Belfast. When I arrived, he told me that he very much wanted to take a libel case against the Irish Independent in the Belfast courts. He called another leading member of the Belfast legal community, solicitor Denis Maloney, to the house. He explained that the case had to come to him formally via a solicitor. Michael then stated that if I would agree to him taking on the case, and with Denis as the solicitor, I would have no financial exposure. If he lost Michael said neither he nor Denis would seek any fees. Denis nodded in agreement.
I informed the DFA in Dublin that I would be pursuing the Irish Independent for what I regarded as a serious libel. I did not get any support or encouragement, despite the general agreement that the article was libelous. However, they did not like any controversy and if I ploughed on, I was on my own. The Independent group was the most powerful media outfit in the Republic and one which the government treated cautiously. Nevertheless, I decided I could not let the article stand and I had to proceed.
I had a number of meetings with the lawyers. Right from the outset, we agreed that I would seek no personal gain from the case. We then got down to writing a letter to the Sunday Independent. I had listed the inaccuracies in the article, but Michael showed very little interest in the details. Instead, he drafted a stinging letter to the Sunday Independent describing it as an enemy of the Peace Process and it was prepared to publish lies to further their crusade against those working for peace. He added that he fully intended to put the Independent’s editorial policy on trial in this case. He said that they would be very uncomfortable coming to Belfast, given their history of hostility to John Hume and his work for peace in the past. I was a bit taken aback at Michael’s approach, but he assured me that the details could be added later. He gave a copy of the letter to Denis Maloney, and it was duly dispatched.
Within hours the Sunday Independent raised the white flag and conceded that their article was seriously inaccurate. They immediately agreed to print an apology. I was anxious to put the episode behind me, particularly with the lack of support from DFA, and agreed with Lavery to accept an apology in the paper. The paper would pay Michael and Denis’s costs. I got the feeling that Michael was slightly disappointed that we would not see representatives of the Independent on that stand in Belfast. I was extremely lucky in having Michael as a personal friend and that made the whole distressing event much easier. I was also delighted that several Unionist and Loyalist figures contacted me to offer their personal support and be prepared to take the stand on my behalf.
Looking back at the episode, I am not sure why Eamon Delaney decided to attack me in the way he did, he could have lifted the phone to me to check the details, but I decided not to bear any grudge against him.