Let me introduce you to Charlie Smith.
He’s a liberal unionist, or even a ‘progressive,’ as he sometimes calls himself.
He lives in east Belfast with his wife and two small children. He works in sales and marketing for a family-owned engineering business.
As such, he thinks Brexit was a mistake and that unionists should admit as much. Why make it harder to sell products to our biggest export market?
And all the grief about the border in the Irish Sea was predictable and a giant own goal for unionists.
He’s also tired of the same old politicians and their reheated rows. He wants to make Northern Ireland work for everyone.
Sincerely.
He reckons that if people can work together, then they can live together and if that happens support for the Union and the constitutional status quo will grow.
He’s open about past mistakes and hasn’t got a good word for figures like Paisley or Trimble.
Unionists were mad to destroy Sunningdale in 1974, which was their last best chance of making the place work.
Charlie’s read his history and is appalled at the likes of Carson and Craig, who he openly admits were little short of fascists. They don’t represent his politics.
Neither is he part of the Orange Order, although some in his family are. He respects their right to be so but also accepts it’s divisive in its very nature and the brethren should avoid trying to march through nationalist areas. Why go looking for trouble?
He’s intrigued by the Irish language and if people want to speak it then, fine. Why not, he tells opponents. It’s the language of some of his ancestors, so how could he not respect it?
As for dual-language street signs? Whatever.
It’s the same with the GAA.
It’s meaningful for so many nationalists and unionist face-pulling about Casement Park is completely counter-productive. If getting it built is an example of the status quo delivering, then surely that’s a good thing for unionists?
Charlie is a trade unionist and while disagreeing with the 1916 Rising, reads James Connolly’s work admiringly. He made his name campaigning for rent controls and against bad employers. He has friends from all traditions and his political beliefs trump any tribal affiliations.
He’s comfortable with his own bespoke version of Irishness, recognising the traditional Britishness of many unionists is not reciprocated across the Irish Sea.
If there’s a border poll, he’ll campaign to remain part of the UK but will do so constructively. And if his side loses, he’ll take the result with good grace.
He wants the Union to continue, but it’s not the end of the world if it doesn’t.
By now you might have guessed that Charlie Smith is a figment of my imagination.
I have no idea if he exists somewhere on the margins of unionist politics, but I’ve never come across him. Do any of the above points sound like they could plausibly fall out of the mouth of either a DUP or Ulster Unionist politician?
As for the TUV…
Indeed, Unionism’s constant state of mild hysteria about being sold out dominates every other impulse and makes the emergence of a Charlie Smith figure unlikely.
The ever-present screech of ‘Lundy!’ means it’s impossible for anyone with political ambitions to be as relaxed as Charlie about any of the issues mentioned above.
Yet isn’t Charlie the bare minimum that we have a right to expect from unionist politicians who are serious about making Northern Ireland work, nearly three decades after the Good Friday Agreement?
The lack of development within the unionist political class – the sheer paucity of leadership, or imagination – holds back the post-Good Friday Agreement settlement.
In fact, were Charlie Smith to exist and embody a new, progressive unionism (perhaps promising to be a leader ‘for all’ in a way no unionist politician ever has) then United Irelanders would need to raise their game.
As it is, he doesn’t, so they don’t.
Neither is there any danger of a Charlie Smith figure emerging any time soon.
Just look around: Casement Park. Irish language. 50:50 policing.
These are the easy issues. But where are unionist moderates in making the case that they should be addressed?
Imagination, moderation and generosity: The three basic virtues that unionist politics fails to cultivate.
That’s why Charlie Smith doesn’t exist.
I wish he did.
Let me introduce you to Charlie Smith.
He’s a liberal unionist, or even a ‘progressive,’ as he sometimes calls himself.
He lives in east Belfast with his wife and two small children. He works in sales and marketing for a family-owned engineering business.
As such, he thinks Brexit was a mistake and that unionists should admit as much. Why make it harder to sell products to our biggest export market?
And all the grief about the border in the Irish Sea was predictable and a giant own goal for unionists.
He’s also tired of the same old politicians and their reheated rows. He wants to make Northern Ireland work for everyone.
Sincerely.
He reckons that if people can work together, then they can live together and if that happens support for the Union and the constitutional status quo will grow.
He’s open about past mistakes and hasn’t got a good word for figures like Paisley or Trimble.
Unionists were mad to destroy Sunningdale in 1974, which was their last best chance of making the place work.
Charlie’s read his history and is appalled at the likes of Carson and Craig, who he openly admits were little short of fascists. They don’t represent his politics.
Neither is he part of the Orange Order, although some in his family are. He respects their right to be so but also accepts it’s divisive in its very nature and the brethren should avoid trying to march through nationalist areas. Why go looking for trouble?
He’s intrigued by the Irish language and if people want to speak it then, fine. Why not, he tells opponents. It’s the language of some of his ancestors, so how could he not respect it?
As for dual-language street signs? Whatever.
It’s the same with the GAA.
It’s meaningful for so many nationalists and unionist face-pulling about Casement Park is completely counter-productive. If getting it built is an example of the status quo delivering, then surely that’s a good thing for unionists?
Charlie is a trade unionist and while disagreeing with the 1916 Rising, reads James Connolly’s work admiringly. He made his name campaigning for rent controls and against bad employers. He has friends from all traditions and his political beliefs trump any tribal affiliations.
He’s comfortable with his own bespoke version of Irishness, recognising the traditional Britishness of many unionists is not reciprocated across the Irish Sea.
If there’s a border poll, he’ll campaign to remain part of the UK but will do so constructively. And if his side loses, he’ll take the result with good grace.
He wants the Union to continue, but it’s not the end of the world if it doesn’t.
By now you might have guessed that Charlie Smith is a figment of my imagination.
I have no idea if he exists somewhere on the margins of unionist politics, but I’ve never come across him. Do any of the above points sound like they could plausibly fall out of the mouth of either a DUP or Ulster Unionist politician?
As for the TUV…
Indeed, Unionism’s constant state of mild hysteria about being sold out dominates every other impulse and makes the emergence of a Charlie Smith figure unlikely.
The ever-present screech of ‘Lundy!’ means it’s impossible for anyone with political ambitions to be as relaxed as Charlie about any of the issues mentioned above.
Yet isn’t Charlie the bare minimum that we have a right to expect from unionist politicians who are serious about making Northern Ireland work, nearly three decades after the Good Friday Agreement?
The lack of development within the unionist political class – the sheer paucity of leadership, or imagination – holds back the post-Good Friday Agreement settlement.
In fact, were Charlie Smith to exist and embody a new, progressive unionism (perhaps promising to be a leader ‘for all’ in a way no unionist politician ever has) then United Irelanders would need to raise their game.
As it is, he doesn’t, so they don’t.
Neither is there any danger of a Charlie Smith figure emerging any time soon.
Just look around: Casement Park. Irish language. 50:50 policing.
These are the easy issues. But where are unionist moderates in making the case that they should be addressed?
Imagination, moderation and generosity: The three basic virtues that unionist politics fails to cultivate.
That’s why Charlie Smith doesn’t exist.
I wish he did.