It is increasingly clear that for Britain to achieve a real Brexit in any meaningful way, the unresolved dilemma of how to manage arrangements on the island of Ireland, must be tackled. While the partition of Ireland into two small States greatly inhibited the development of true independence of the new Irish Free State, the continued British link with the North, now represents a real impediment to Britain regaining its national sovereignty, in a way desired by Brexiteers.
It is also clear that the Irish and British Governments have long accepted that it is neither desirable nor practicable to re-establish a hard land border in Ireland. To successfully seal the border could destroy a successful Peace Process. It would require much treasure and probably bloodshed and almost certainly damage British relations with Washington, the very bedrock of the UK’s foreign policy since Suez. Hence, the harsh truth has to be faced that Britain cannot have a real Brexit and an economic and political union with Northern Ireland at the same time. The continued operation of the Act of Union and the Northern Ireland Protocol means that any British Government will be heavily constrained by a desire not to deviate too far from Brussels and provoke instability in its most important relationships. This mirrors the problems faced by early Irish administrations after British withdrawal from the twenty six counties. There was a desire not to add more division between the Free State and Northern Ireland. It greatly constrained Dublin’s freedom of action. It tied the new Irish State to its British neighbour.
There is no easy answer to the Brexiteer’s problem, if there was one, then it would have been loudly proclaimed by Brexiteers long ago. The absence of any viable proposals, apart from some watered down version of the Northern Ireland Protocol, means there is probably none. It may have been possible for the British and Irish Governments in the immediate post Brexit referendum period to agree a novel solution, involving large derogations from standard EU practices but the poisoned atmosphere of that period killed that off. It would have required a great deal of goodwill and a strong bilateral Irish/British relationship to manage anything as ambitious as that, but the arrival of Boris Johnson as PM and Leo Varadkar as Taoiseach put paid to London/Dublin cooperation on issues such as flexible customs arrangements. Varadkar and Brussels were determined to use the Irish border issue to put the UK heavily on the back foot. It is now too late for a unique Irish/British solution to this particular Irish problem. However, it has now become the British problem.
The clear answer to the Brexiteers difficulties is to end the Act of Union and press for Irish Unity. It is true that there is very little love in Britain for Unionists, years of outrageous behaviour and intransigence have eroded much of the feeling of solidarity with Unionists. Apart from some old fashioned Tory grandees, there is little enthusiasm for Unionism, especially for the DUP with its strong creationist and fundamentalist wing. I know from experience at Conservative meetings, that Unionists visceral antagonism to the Irish language and culture, alarms and perplexes many Conservatives when they come in contact with it.
However, it is also true that the British Government cannot simply do a De Gaulle like abandonment of the French Unionists in Algeria. Although that great hero of the Tories, Winston Churchill, who regularly told Irish Government representatives of his strong personal distaste for Ulster Unionists, would have had no qualms of abandoning them. He pointed out he studiously avoided visiting Belfast as PM. However, the London authorities must have an honourable way out and that is provided by the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement. A change to the Constitutional position of the North and hence free Britain from the Protocol must come by way of a border poll. Any clear thinking Brexiteer must have come to the conclusion that it is overwhelmingly in their interests to cut the umbilical cord which is preventing the UK from enjoying what they believe are the real benefits of Brexit. With opinion in the North sharply divided on the matter, the Brexiteers should see Irish Unity as a cause they should support from their own self-interest.
Apart from regaining the freedom to operate a much greater degree of independence and hence, more freedom of choices, Irish Unity would also have profound effects in Ireland. The addition of nearly two million people to an independent Irish State would totally shake up the present set up in the Irish Republic. Many of that two million would not share the euro enthusiasm of the Dublin elite and the former Unionist section of the population would desire strong ties with London. Hence the barely concealed reluctance of the traditional Southern Irish parties, towards Irish Unity. None of these parties, all founded by revolutionary Republicans, are likely to receive much support in the North, post Irish Unification.
It is interesting that at least some Brexiteers are coming to the same conclusion. Professor of Law at the LSE, Peter Ramsay, co-author of the book “Taking Control” and a strong supporter of Brexit, argued at the Greaves Summer School in Dublin this month along the lines outlined above.
It is increasingly clear that for Britain to achieve a real Brexit in any meaningful way, the unresolved dilemma of how to manage arrangements on the island of Ireland, must be tackled. While the partition of Ireland into two small States greatly inhibited the development of true independence of the new Irish Free State, the continued British link with the North, now represents a real impediment to Britain regaining its national sovereignty, in a way desired by Brexiteers.
It is also clear that the Irish and British Governments have long accepted that it is neither desirable nor practicable to re-establish a hard land border in Ireland. To successfully seal the border could destroy a successful Peace Process. It would require much treasure and probably bloodshed and almost certainly damage British relations with Washington, the very bedrock of the UK’s foreign policy since Suez. Hence, the harsh truth has to be faced that Britain cannot have a real Brexit and an economic and political union with Northern Ireland at the same time. The continued operation of the Act of Union and the Northern Ireland Protocol means that any British Government will be heavily constrained by a desire not to deviate too far from Brussels and provoke instability in its most important relationships. This mirrors the problems faced by early Irish administrations after British withdrawal from the twenty six counties. There was a desire not to add more division between the Free State and Northern Ireland. It greatly constrained Dublin’s freedom of action. It tied the new Irish State to its British neighbour.
There is no easy answer to the Brexiteer’s problem, if there was one, then it would have been loudly proclaimed by Brexiteers long ago. The absence of any viable proposals, apart from some watered down version of the Northern Ireland Protocol, means there is probably none. It may have been possible for the British and Irish Governments in the immediate post Brexit referendum period to agree a novel solution, involving large derogations from standard EU practices but the poisoned atmosphere of that period killed that off. It would have required a great deal of goodwill and a strong bilateral Irish/British relationship to manage anything as ambitious as that, but the arrival of Boris Johnson as PM and Leo Varadkar as Taoiseach put paid to London/Dublin cooperation on issues such as flexible customs arrangements. Varadkar and Brussels were determined to use the Irish border issue to put the UK heavily on the back foot. It is now too late for a unique Irish/British solution to this particular Irish problem. However, it has now become the British problem.
The clear answer to the Brexiteers difficulties is to end the Act of Union and press for Irish Unity. It is true that there is very little love in Britain for Unionists, years of outrageous behaviour and intransigence have eroded much of the feeling of solidarity with Unionists. Apart from some old fashioned Tory grandees, there is little enthusiasm for Unionism, especially for the DUP with its strong creationist and fundamentalist wing. I know from experience at Conservative meetings, that Unionists visceral antagonism to the Irish language and culture, alarms and perplexes many Conservatives when they come in contact with it.
However, it is also true that the British Government cannot simply do a De Gaulle like abandonment of the French Unionists in Algeria. Although that great hero of the Tories, Winston Churchill, who regularly told Irish Government representatives of his strong personal distaste for Ulster Unionists, would have had no qualms of abandoning them. He pointed out he studiously avoided visiting Belfast as PM. However, the London authorities must have an honourable way out and that is provided by the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement. A change to the Constitutional position of the North and hence free Britain from the Protocol must come by way of a border poll. Any clear thinking Brexiteer must have come to the conclusion that it is overwhelmingly in their interests to cut the umbilical cord which is preventing the UK from enjoying what they believe are the real benefits of Brexit. With opinion in the North sharply divided on the matter, the Brexiteers should see Irish Unity as a cause they should support from their own self-interest.
Apart from regaining the freedom to operate a much greater degree of independence and hence, more freedom of choices, Irish Unity would also have profound effects in Ireland. The addition of nearly two million people to an independent Irish State would totally shake up the present set up in the Irish Republic. Many of that two million would not share the euro enthusiasm of the Dublin elite and the former Unionist section of the population would desire strong ties with London. Hence the barely concealed reluctance of the traditional Southern Irish parties, towards Irish Unity. None of these parties, all founded by revolutionary Republicans, are likely to receive much support in the North, post Irish Unification.
It is interesting that at least some Brexiteers are coming to the same conclusion. Professor of Law at the LSE, Peter Ramsay, co-author of the book “Taking Control” and a strong supporter of Brexit, argued at the Greaves Summer School in Dublin this month along the lines outlined above.